2000 World Press Freedom
Review
Relations between President Hugo Chávez's government and the largely pro-opposition
press continued to deteriorate throughout the year. Venezuela's journalists
complained about Chávez's policy of aggression towards the media and his
frequent verbal attacks on the press. Moreover, they feared that an article
in the new constitution, which stipulates that reporting must be "timely,
truthful, and impartial," will have an adverse effect on press freedom in
their country. Several journalists were confronted with legal pressure,
including charges of criminal defamation and libel, and several journalists
were forced into hiding.
Even before the new 350-article constitution was overwhelmingly approved by
Venezuelans in a national referendum on 15 December 1999, Chávez lashed out
at local and foreign media, criticising them for "distorting" his proposals
for reform. While Chávez, who swept to power in February 1999 on a left-leaning
nationalist platform, maintained that the new constitution would strengthen
democracy, broaden civil rights and eliminate corruption, his critics said
the new basic law concentrated too much power in the presidency and
contained numerous controversial articles, including the "truthful
information" clause, which would be impossible to enforce and could lead to
censorship.
President Chávez further consolidated his political power in November 2000,
when the Venezuelan national assembly gave him special presidential powers
to bypass congress when enacting laws in key areas (the financial sector,
industry and agriculture, infrastructure, personal and legal security,
science and technology, and the public sector), raising concerns that his
efforts to stamp out the old political order have left the country without
sufficient checks and balances. "What concerns me is that the measures of
reform being taken are tending to centralize power without adequate checks
and balances and without reinforcing the independence of the judiciary," UN
Human Rights Commissioner Mary Robinson said at a news conference in
Venezuela in December.
Local and international press freedom organisations have criticised article
58 of the new constitution, which states that, "everyone has the right to
timely, truthful, impartial and uncensored information," as a violation of
international standards of freedom of expression, including article 13 of
the American Convention on Human Rights, which guarantees the right to
"information and ideas of all kinds." Article 58 threatened the Venezuelan
people's right to information since the government could use it to restrict
information it deemed untruthful, free press organisations said.
In October 2000, the IPI Executive Board unanimously agreed to add Venezuela
to the "IPI Watch List," a mechanism to detect and document regressive
tendencies in countries that appear to be moving towards suppressing or
restricting press freedom. Venezuela was included on the "IPI Watch List"
because of Chávez's increasingly hostile attitude towards the media and
because the new constitution poses a number of threats to freedom of
expression and opinion that could spell the end of press freedom in
Venezuela, one of Latin America’s oldest democracies, the IPI Board said.
Throughout the year, Chávez, who has called journalists "professional
deceivers," continued to hurl threats and insults at the media, alienating
publishers and editors who say he is trying to intimidate them and raising
concerns that the verbal assaults could provoke violence against
journalists. In one statement, Chávez said that he will take reprisals
against those media that criticise his administration, declaring that "if
they attack me, let them watch out, they'll get as good as they give." In
another, he warned Venezuelans to "unchain themselves from the dictatorship
[journalists] represent."
Chávez continued to use his public broadcasts and his own newspaper, El
Correo del Presidente (The President's Mail), to counter what he considers
unfair coverage and to attack journalists who oppose his "peaceful
revolution." In September, he accused CNN of lying, saying it had distorted
news about the summit meeting of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting
Countries (OPEC) hosted by Venezuela. When an editorial critical of Chávez
appeared in The Washington Post in November, the president accused Andrés
Mata, editor of the leading national daily, El Universal, of being behind
it. "I know where you move, I know who you meet with," Chávez said in a
national radio broadcast. "I know you are behind this editorial."
On several occasions, Venezuela's journalists protested against Chávez's
hostility towards the press. In March, a group of some 20 journalists
refused to ask the president questions at a news conference in Maracay,
north-central Venezuela. "In view of your repeatedly disrespectful attitude,
and your assessment of our questions as irrelevant, we have decided not to
pose any questions this afternoon," a radio journalist told the president
who, visibly annoyed, stormed from the room.
In May, hundreds of journalists, protesting Chávez's attitude towards the
media, held a march in downtown Caracas. The protest was also held to
display solidarity with journalist Napoleon Bravo, producer and host of a
popular TV programme cancelled on 4 May allegedly as a result of government
pressure. Bravo, whose morning talk show, "24 Hours," was critical of
Chávez, said that he had received death threats from the police. "I hold the
president responsible for what might happen to me or my family", he told a
news conference in Caracas.
When not confronted with verbal attacks from the president and his
officials, journalists faced a barrage of litigation, including charges of
defamation and libel. One journalist, Pablo López, editor-in-chief of the
weekly La Razón, was forced into hiding after Judge Graudi Villegas ordered
that he be placed under house arrest for failing to attend a court hearing
on 4 August in a criminal defamation suit filed in October 1999 against the
paper and its editor under article 444 of Venezuela's criminal code by
prominent Venezuelan businessman Tobías Carrero. In September 1999, La Razón
columnist Santiago Alcalá had published articles alleging that favouritism
had been behind the awarding of government contracts to Carrero's insurance
company, Multinacional de Seguros, as well as the auctioning of state-owned
radio stations to a media company controlled by Carrero, who has close ties
with President Chávez.
López, who already spent five days under house arrest in July, was released
after the judge in the case was found to be biased and was replaced by
Graudi Villegas. López has said that he is the victim of a government
campaign "against free and independent journalism" and that he has been
harassed for over a year in an attempt "to bring him to his knees and
intimidate [La Razón] into becoming submissive and complacent". He is
convinced that he will not get a fair trial.
In September, Judge Miroslava Bonilla dismissed the criminal defamation case
against Ben Ami Fihman, editor of the monthly Revista Exceso, and Faitha
Nahmens, a reporter for the same publication. The two journalists had gone
into hiding in February after a Caracas judge ordered their arrest for
disobeying a summons to answer charges they claimed were no longer legally
valid. The charges against Fihman and Nahmens date back to the June 1997
publication of an article about the killing of a businessman by hired
assassins. Numerous irregularities marked the judicial proceedings,
including the fact that the statute of limitation rules under the Code of
Criminal Prosecution were ignored.
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